Now even Gerakan also voice out to release the Hindraf five. Why are they doing so? If they were sincere enough, they should have made this call before the General Election but not now when they are already regarded as a mosquito party with only one MP and 2 stateassemblyman.

IPOH: Gerakan wants the Government to release the five Hindraf (Hindu rights Action Force) leaders detained in Kamunting under the Internal Security Act (ISA).

Gerakan National Legal Bureau chief Datuk Chang Ko Youn said the detention of the five leaders had create unnecessary tension and unhappiness, especially among advocates of democracy and human rights.

“We are seriously against any acts which prescribe detention without trial such as the ISA and Emergency Ordinance as they are against the cardinal principles and law, that is, each person is entitled to a fair trial and right to be heard,” he said Thursday.

He said detention without trial denied the right of an individual to answer any charges against him.

Chang said the party had voiced its concern when the five were detained last December, expressing its views that there would be repercussions.

“True enough, it was an issue during the March general election and voters turned against us partly because of the use of the ISA against the five Hindraf leaders,” he said.

He said as the situation had calmed down, it was timely to release, adding that the ISA should not be used at all and be abolished eventually.

We have enough reason to believe that Gerakan move is to divert the public attention from the "land improprieties" in Penang. Why had Gerakan not discovered any scam happening in the state during their 3 decades of ruling, where DAP took less than a month to discover this scam?

From : The Sun

PETALING JAYA (March 24, 2008): Former Finance Minister Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah said today Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s statement yesterday that “the appointment of anyone but Datuk Seri Idris Jusoh as Terengganu Mentri Besar is unconstitutional” is wrong.

“The Sultan acted within his powers in appointing the person who, in his judgment, is likely to command the confidence of the majority of the members of the State Assembly,” said Razaleigh.

“Ahmad Said’s appointment is effective and he is now the Mentri Besar of Terengganu,” he said, adding that the situation in Terengganu is a crisis of government, not of the Constitution.

“Petitions, threats, coercion and declarations of support for the Prime Minister and his candidate have no bearing on the legality of the Sultan of Terengganu’s appointment of his own Mentri Besar,” said Razaleigh.

“Perhaps we have forgotten what it is like to conduct ourselves with good manners and due respect for the Constitution and the sovereignty of the Ruler,” said Razaleigh, adding however that it is up to the properly convened State Assembly to test Ahmad with a vote of confidence in due course.

“After 50 years of independence, I am sure we should be capable of resolving our issues in a efficient and respectful manner.”

“The storm in Terengganu is just the latest in a series of crises brought on by an apparent failure to understand how State powers work relative to Federal ones,” said Razaleigh, adding that in the recent crisis in Perlis, “the Prime Minister’s actions suggest stunning ineptness in managing fundamental relationships and straightforward functions of government”.

“This is alarming because the Barisan Nasional (BN) government now has five Opposition-controlled states to contend with out of the nine in Peninsular Malaysia.

“The mis-handling of chief ministerial appointments in Perlis, and now in Terengganu, mean that our leadership in two other states is now in jeopardy,” he added.

Constitutional law expert Prof Dr Abdul Aziz Bari of the International Islamic University said matters had reached such a stage that there is nothing that can be legally done to force an immediate reversal of the Regency Council’s decision to appoint Ahmad at this point. The appointment letter was given to Ahmad yesterday morning.

“The only thing that can be done now is to abide by the Regency Council’s decision and wait for the State Assembly to be convened to pass a vote of no confidence. This would put the ball back in the Palace’s court to decide afresh,” said Abdul Aziz.

He said the Regency Council has the means to get the “best information”, as it has the power to call up assemblymen and speak to them in private to gauge personal support.

He cited the 1986 case of Tun Mustapha Datu Harun, whose appointment as Chief Minister of Sabah by the Yang di-Pertua Negri was held to be in mistake.

In that case, the High Court ruled that the pressure applied on the Yang di-Pertua was invalid because the powers of the Head of State to appoint a Mentri Besar are discretionary and subjective, and therefore a Head of State should be allowed to exercise his discretion without pressure.

Abdul Aziz said besides the vote of no confidence move, another way to resolve the matter is for the State Assembly to be dissolved, and fresh elections called.

“Under the Federal and State Constitutions, a ruler may dissolve the State Assembly, and this is a situation where this can be used, and the people should be allowed once and for all to decide who governs the state”, he said.

Meanwhile, he said Ahmad has time to negotiate support for himself as Mentri Besar by negotiating support from 17 assemblymen for a simple majority, before the State Assembly, which according to the Terengganu State Constitution, must convene within 120 days of dissolution.

“He can try to persuade his Umno colleagues to join him, and approach the eight PAS assemblymen, to give him a legal platform for the Regency Council to appoint him,” said Abdul Aziz.

Twenty-three of the 24 Terengganu assemblyman had pledged support for Idris as Mentri Besar.

Asked whether Article 150 of the Federal Constitution, which gives the federal government the power to declare an emergency in a state, could be used in Terengganu, as was used in Sabah in 1966 to remove Stephen Kalong Ningkan as Chief Minister, Abdul Aziz called it a politically disadvantageous act.

“Use of Article 150 would be politically and economically disadvantageous. Times have changed,” he said.

Umno deputy president Datuk Seri Najib Abdul Razak has said Ahmad’s status, and whether he breached party discipline by accepting the appointment as Mentri Besar, would be decided by the Umno Supreme Council in its meeting on Thursday (March 27).

From: themalaysianinsider

KUALA LUMPUR, March 14 – If there is one name that has pushed Barisan Nasional leaders out of their comfort zone and caused confusion and anxiety, it is Anwar Ibrahim.

When he said on Tuesday that the Opposition should be referred to as the government-in-waiting, he was not referring to five years down the road. He was referring to the next few weeks or months.

He knows that if he manages to convince 30 Members of Parliament to cross over, the government of Abdullah Ahmad Badawi will fall.

Since the PKR-DAP-PAS alliance that he cobbled together won big on March 8, taking 52% of the popular vote in Peninsular Malaysia and snaring 82 of the 222 seats in parliament, Anwar has become the most mentioned name in Umno circles.

Along the corridors of powers and in Umno circles, there is a belief that the former deputy prime minister will not rest and settle for second-best, not with the momentum of being a reformer on his side.

He knows that the troops of the BN war machine are demoralised and its leaders still reeling from the psychological scars of Election 2008. He will go for the kill, rattling the coalition’s cage, creating the impression of an inevitable wave that some fickle-minded BN MPs will be tempted to abandon the BN ship and join the Opposition.

An Umno division chief from Pahang, who requested anonymity because of the sensitive nature of the information, said: “The talk on the ground is which MPs Anwar is going to approach to join PKR. Everyone says that Sabah and Sarawak MPs are being targeted. But I think everyone except the PM and DPM are targets.’’

Datuk Mukhriz Mahathir, in a letter asking Abdullah to resign, noted that a move has been made to woo BN representatives to join the Opposition. The fear of crossovers is palpable.

Among the senior leaders of BN, the question being asked is this: who can take on Anwar?

Increasingly the view is that no one individual is strong enough to withstand the momentum of the former deputy prime minister. Abdullah is like a general who has been badly wounded in battle. He needs time to recuperate from the deep wounds he suffered – time which he may not have.

If Abdullah steps down and Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak takes over, the latter will be vulnerable to a personal and potentially costly onslaught by Anwar.

During the election campaign, Najib was assailed by Anwar over the murder of the Mongolian model and over a few defence deals. Expect the ferociousness of the attacks to multiply if Najib becomes Number 1 now.

Even the return of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad could be counterproductive.

The Malaysian public believes that Anwar was wronged by Mahathir. This was evident during the election when attempts to paint the former DPM as a charlatan, racist and chameleon failed miserably.

So who can stop Anwar?

Professor Shamsul Amri Baharuddin, a political commentator, says that only a united Umno and BN can hold the line against the Anwar-led Opposition.

“Anwar is pressing BN at 20 different points. Only if they are strong and united can they survive. But can they stay united?’’ he wondered.

The next few weeks will be important. If the new Cabinet catches the imagination of Malaysians, the morale of the ground troops will improve and it will boost the confidence of BN’s leaders.

Otherwise, the grumbling against Abdullah will grow into a crescendo and it may embolden Dr Mahathir or Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah to step forward to “save the party’’ – a situation which could lead to a party split like in 1987.

Such a scenario will be heaven-sent for Anwar.

Umno politicians believe that any upheaval in Umno or BN will convince the weak-hearted that it may be prudent to cross the Parliament floor.

Within the higher reaches of Umno, the strategy appears to be to rally around Abdullah, go down to the ground and get the troops ready for war. But for Umno and BN to prevail over Anwar, they will need a few conditions to be met.

1) Abdullah must be able to hush his band of critics in Umno.

2) Abdullah must be able to inspire the troops on the ground.

3) Abdullah must be a strong leader and reform his party and the country.

4) Anwar and the Opposition need to commit a few major mistakes.

5) For the public to fall out of love quickly with the reform-minded Opposition.