This Body is a Prison
  How do I know sovereignty is innate
    in every living thing?
  A man or woman
  under the cruelest conditions
  can stare into the sun
  until they go blind.

    An act of will-
    Choosing blindness, that inalienable right


And believe me, people do.
When all else has been taken.

This blog chronicles the four months I
spent in the Middle East, spanning 2005
and 2006. I lived in the West Bank for
most of the trip, filming a documentary about
the psychological impacts of occupation.
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Friday, March 17, 2006

Information about the documentary HERE
Check it out online

  ----------------------------------------------------------------------

  Shuu il-aKHbaar (what's the news):

"Israel has normalized its behaviour patterns and has created a mainstream public which passively supports these policies in the name of security. This disconnection between citizens and state is one of the reasons Israel can justify violations of human rights and international law to a domestic audience."

"The real question I ask myself is: who are these people who are trying to provoke the civil war? Now the Americans will say it's... the death squads. Many of the death squads work for the Ministry of Interior. Who runs the Ministry of Interior in Baghdad? Who pays the Ministry of the Interior? Who pays the militia men who make up the death squads? We do, the occupation authorities."

  Britain's Dirty Secret
Civil Servants Secretly Helped Build Israel's Nuclear Program

  Table of contents:
  Entering the Final Stages of my Journey
  Seek Justice, Only Justice - by Paul Findley
 
The War Within Minds
  From the Birthplace of Urban Civilization
  Checkpoints and Pink Flowers
  Villagers Expand First Palestinian Settlement
  Navigating the Land of Walls and Crossroads: a Search for Reason
  The Word "Insh'allah" Makes More Sense Each Day
  Muslim Brotherhood says "No to Violence"

  Excellent articles on the Global Reaction to Islamophobic Cartoon
  CNN.com Letter to the Editor
  The Hope of us all (is not This Wall)
  Articles on Hamas Victory
  In 24 Hours

  Highlighting American Hypocrisy
  Stray Thoughts About Time, Autonomy, and Grand Theft
  With Elections Around the Corner
  The Dylan-Afrose Economy Collapses
  Fourth Country in one Week
  Bus Ride Across Turkey
  Internet sanctions
  First Travel Log

  Online photo Albums:
 
Balata 2006 Invasion
  Jericho
  Balata Refugee Camp (cont)
  Balata Refugee Camp
  Bil'in and Aboud Villages
  Ramallah, Taybeh, Jerusalem
  Christmas
  Bethlehem Nonviolence Conference
  Amman
  Troy
  East Istanbul
  West Istanbul
  Antakya


Entering the Final Stages of my Journey

March 15, 2006:

A quick aside: yesterday the Israeli military stormed a prison in Jericho, tear gassed the unarmed inmates that were locked in their cells, stripped them to their underwear outside, and demolished the prison. They relocated every inmate to Israeli jails. The British and American guards who ran the prison left 20 minutes before the Israeli military arrived. Since from what I heard this was briefly glossed over in American news (although I'll be willing to wager that they are covering the wave of retaliatory kidnappings that happened...) I thought I'd give the quick and dirty in case anyone wants to look for articles.

I finished my oud and Arabic lessons today and am back in Jerusalem for the night.

Tomorrow is the third year anniversary of Rachel Corrie's death. There will be a series of actions in her memory. In the morning a group of us will chain ourselves to, or otherwise "occupy" one of the Caterpillar D9 bulldozers (the same model that crushed Rachel to death) at the Qalandia checkpoint and paint ourselves red. In the evening there will be a  showing of a recently made film about Rachel and a candlelight vigil.
 
Luckily, living in Bethlehem for three weeks has allowed me the space and time to (somewhat) process my experience in Balata camp last month. Otherwise I don't think I would have the emotional capacity to deal with tomorrow. At first it was hard to be away from Balata, and in Bethlehem specifically. I experienced what could best be described as culture shock. People in the West Bank have nicknamed Bethlehem "Paris," and it does seem like another world sometimes. I remember saying when I first moved there that I didn't feel like I was in Palestine anymore. I couldn't finger a reason at first. After bonding through traumatization with people in Balata camp, it was hard to walk into one of the most touristy places in the West Bank. The atmosphere seemed superficial in light of what I had just seen happening a couple hours north.

Last week I was able to interview a class of high school girls at a private catholic school, and left with a much clearer understanding of the community. The girls are the authors of a book of memoirs called "The Wall Cannot Stop our Stories" and tour with a set of performance monologues based on their diaries. My first impression was that they could have been young students at any girls-only school - there was gossip, giggling, secret-telling, stealing from the lemon tree when the nuns weren't looking - nothing to suggest the harsh political reality of their lives. When I asked the class how they cope with life under occupation, their demeanor changed. I saw anguish and anger unmask on their faces; they stopped smiling. The answer should have been obvious, but something about the frankness with which they spoke struck me as profound. The first student, a girl with challenge in her eyes, described in detail how she constructs a fake world for herself, where she can pretend to have a normal life. Others pitched in, discussing escape through books, movies, and their own imaginations. I had inadvertently punctured the facade by asking them to relive traumatic memories. It became clear that there were two people locked up in each of those bodies, split between two different realities. I think that many people who have the luxury of not living under constant low-level fear of violence probably find similar escapes, but this fact had not been a part of my experience, having done most of my project in Balata where people are not able to shut themselves off in this way. For some reason this interview freed up a lot of energy within me and brought closure to my time in Balata.

The final healing stage must be returning to the camp. As the days have gone by, I've felt increasingly restless to go back. Oddly enough, I miss it there. In fact, it is the first place I've really felt homesick for since I flew to the Middle East over three months ago. If homesick is the right word... Something about experiencing the senselessness of war firsthand, watching people I know shedding blood and people I love losing friends - when I left Nabus in somewhat of a daze, I left a piece of my self behind. Fairly literally. Several people commented that I didn't seem "all there." Whatever part of my humanity I had to shed in order to stifle my emotions and function properly as a medical volunteer under those conditions, its stayed there. I feel very thankful that I have the privilege to reconcile myself to my experiences and mend the fracture, unlike those who can never remove themselves from The Situation.


Wednesday, March 08, 2006

Seek Justice, Only Justice

By Paul Findley

Because of the gross, longstanding bias in U.S. policy in the Middle East, the world teeters on the precipice of widening conflict focused -- sadly, unnecessarily, dangerously -- on religion: Christendom versus Islam. Those are strong words, frightening words, but they are the truth.

Since I found myself in the thicket of Middle East politics nearly forty years ago, I have done little else than seek justice for Arabs deeply aggrieved by our policy bias. This pro-justice endeavor is motivated mainly by my deep concern for America.

At 84, I sometimes feel old enough to have heard God's command to Moses, as recorded in Deuteronomy: "Seek justice, only justice." That command is my watchword. Despite the efforts of many brave people to bring about a just reform, the bias continues – more flagrant and costly each year. The peril confronts all Americans. No one can escape.

In Middle East policy, America ignores injustice, because religion-based passions here at home override even vital national interests. Our bias is not controlled by government officials but by two peculiar, politically powerful religious communities -- fundamentalist Christianity, on one hand, and on the other an extreme element of Judaism.

Together, they burden our country year after year with an Israel-centric foreign policy that is disastrous to America's vital interests. Both groups have a deep-seated, passionate attachment to the State of Israel, no matter how outrageous its behavior becomes. Both are represented powerfully in Washington and exert a suffocating level of influence throughout America's political system, as well as in almost every other part of our society.

This influence is abetted unwittingly by suicide bombers, professed Muslims who engage in reprehensible violence mainly as a barbaric protest against foreign occupation of their land. In doing so, they defy the rules of Islam and Christianity by taking their lives and the lives of innocent people and thus frustrate the efforts of people who define Islam correctly as a generous, tolerant and peaceful religion.

Nearly one-half of the American people harbor false, ugly images of Islam and want the civil liberties of U.S. Muslims curtailed. Most Americans also seem oblivious to the peril before all of us. They are unaware of the flagrant bias in our policies and the price we pay for this bias.

Despite the wonders of the Information Age, few know the truth about how our flawed policies in the Middle East are put in place. Almost everyone who knows the truth is afraid to speak out. This unofficial but effective censorship is deadly. It has unwittingly has led us step by step into deep trouble, even war.

Of the two religious communities cited above, the older and more skillful one is the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). The newer but much larger one is the fundamentalist Christian community that is guided by a controversial interpretation of the Bible's Book of Revelation.

AIPAC consists almost exclusively of Zionists, activists whose behavior is actually disapproved by the majority of U.S. Jews. My book, "They Dare to Speak Out: People and Institutions Confront Israel's Lobby", details the origin, history and tactics of AIPAC.

Ultra-Orthodox Zionists believe their messiah will not arrive until Greater Israel -- Biblical Israel -- comes into being. This means the incorporation of the entirety of the West Bank and East Jerusalem into Israel proper. In both Israel and the United States, such Zionists exert great political power. They receive U.S. financing, both public and private, and are the primary force that establishes and expands the illegal Jewish settlements that now consign Palestinians to isolated enclaves like those that once existed in apartheid South Africa.

Christian fundamentalists are not as tightly organized as AIPAC, but they consist of more than 50 million members. They are well disciplined on election days and have attained great political power in recent years. They were prominent in Bush's presidential campaigns.

The two communities make strange bedfellows. Judaic doctrine makes no mention of Jesus Christ. Fundamentalist Christian doctrine proclaims that when Christ returns to earth, all Jews will either be converted to Christianity or be destroyed. The two groups are bound tightly together today by an immediate interest -- the survival of a strong, expanding Israel as an essential precondition for the arrival on earth of their separate messiahs.

Together, the two communities control U.S. policy in the Middle East. They are so powerful that Congress dutifully approves massive aid to Israel every year with no debate whatever. No mention is made of Israel's continuing record of destroying Palestinian society through military conquest, assassinations and wholesale destruction of lives, homes and means of livelihood. On Capitol Hill, there is no mention of the grave harm this bias causes to U.S. national interests.

Year after year, our government enables Israel to defy the rules of international law and the UN Charter with impunity. Due to media bias, few Americans are aware of this scofflaw conduct, but most other people worldwide, especially Muslims, follow this abuse with mounting anti-American fury. The rage over recently published cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad is thought by many observers to be a spontaneous eruption of anger among Muslims toward the West. Some anger may be spontaneous, but most is grounded in the long-festering bitterness over U.S. complicity in the plight of mostly-Muslim Palestine. In President Bush's campaign against terrorism, he has failed to recognize that 9/11's real Ground Zero was never Manhattan or the Pentagon. It was always Palestine and remains so today.

What motivated the 9/11 assault against America? It was a grisly payback for America's complicity in Israel's bloody assault on Arabs years ago. In several televised statements, Osama bin Laden cited as motives for 9/11 U.S. complicity in Israel's 1982 bombing of Beirut, as well as our subsequent role in Israel's destruction of Palestinian society.

Using U.S.-supplied armor, bombs and bullets, Israel killed more than 18,000 innocent Arabs in Beirut. This provoked worldwide anti-American fury that intensified when Congress immediately voted funds to restore the inventory of munitions Israeli forces consumed in the massacre. I know. I was a Member of Congress when the vote occurred.

The 9/11 calamity and our costly, stumbling wars in both Afghanistan and Iraq are the ugly off-springs of our longstanding complicity. Worldwide resentment against Israel and the United States has deepened with each passing year. President Bush's failure to recognize and redress these Arab grievances is the main reason for the lethal insurgency now underway against our forces in Iraq. This failure quickens our fateful pace as we plunge toward the precipice of a widespread war over religion.

Our best way to pull back from the precipice is to pull U.S. military forces and contractors out of Iraq. Sadly, Bush shows no sign of changing course. Our peril deepened in the wake of 9/11 when Bush received bad advice from Vice-President Dick Cheney and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, my colleagues years ago in the House of Representatives. Overreacting to 9/11, they convinced the president that the assault made him all-powerful as commander-in-chief and that he had a free rein to ignore Congress and tradition and could change U.S. policies as he wished.

Bush immediately acted the part, proclaiming his right to commit acts of war any place he alone found a threat to our security. He scrapped national sovereignty, the bedrock of the nation state, rammed through a panicky Congress an unpatriotic Patriot Act and pledged to maintain U.S. forces and foreign bases at a level sufficient to police the world.

He initiated inconclusive, stumbling wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and now hints at an assault on Iran. Syria may be next.

I am not an isolationist. The world needs policing, but no single nation state should attempt that role. It is the proper job for a multinational organization which our government should be helping to create. I use plain language. Perhaps what I say troubles you deeply. In these perilous I must speak the truth as I believe it to be.

How did we get in this mess? How do the religious lobbies maintain this tight grip on U.S. policy?

They use America's political system with great skill. They vote. They take part in political campaigns. They contribute generously to candidates who do their bidding and against those who do not. Their most powerful instrument of intimidation is the reckless charge of anti- Semitism. I know the sting. It works. It makes people who know the truth about our complicity cower in silence.

Few Americans know -- but all should know -- of the silent but effective support of Israel that exists within our government bureaucracy. Almost every office in the executive branch and for congressional committees that has any role in Middle East policy formulation has at least one staff member who takes the personal responsibility of protecting the interests of Israel as each piece of paper passes through his or her desk. My book is replete with examples. Our government is truly Israeli-occupied territory, but few citizens are aware of this reality.

Today's bloody mess started a half-century ago on Capitol Hill when the lobby for Israel first promoted a heavy bias in U.S. policy in the Middle East. Its activities thoroughly intimidated our political institutions and effectively stifled debate. I know firsthand. I was a Member of Congress for 22 years and have watched developments
closely ever since.

By silencing dissent, the pro-Israel lobby intimidates not just the Congress but the entire nation. Former Ambassador George W. Ball spoke accurately when he said that Congress behaves like trained poodles, jumping through hoops held by lobbyists for Israel. Senators Charles Percy and Adlai Stevenson and Representatives Paul "Pete" McCloskey, Cynthia McKinney, Earl Hilliard and myself are among those defeated at the polls by candidates heavily financed by pro-Israel forces. Only McKinney later returned to Congress.

Nationally, not just on Capitol Hill, the State of Israel is treated as sacrosanct. It is rare when a word critical of Israel is expressed even in private conversation. This is true in the media, academia, social circles and business communities. Almost everyone, afraid to speak out, has an excuse for silence. Lobby intimidation even suffocates free speech in houses of worship. It should surprise no one that Congress, with hardly a murmur of protest, recently approved resolutions saluting the prime minister of Israel for building high walls and fences that keep Palestinians penned up on their own land like cattle.

I believe 9/11 would not have occurred if the U.S. had refused to support Israel's humiliation and destruction of Palestinian society. Any president of the past 38 years could have brought peace to the Middle East by suspending all aid until Israel withdrew from Arab land it seized in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war.

Why did Bush order the invasion of Iraq? Israeli footprints are found every step of the way. U.S. General Anthony Zinni, once Bush's special emissary to the Middle East, spoke the truth recently when he said Israel and oil are the widely accepted reasons for the invasion. I will add that almost everyone knows that Israel was the stronger of the two reasons. The war in Iraq was for Israeli interests, not American. If we commit acts of war against Iran or Syria, these too will be mainly to help Israel.

The raging insurgency against U.S. forces in Iraq is linked directly to the plight of the Palestinians nearby. How can we expect Iraqis to trust our promise of freedom for them when a few miles away we maintain our abject, decades-long complicity in Israel's denial of freedom for Palestinians?

The best way to stop both the insurgency in Iraq and the gathering storm of Christendom versus Islam is to suspend all U.S. aid until Israel vacates illegal settlements it has established throughout the West Bank and East Jerusalem and withdraws from Arab territory it has held illegally since June 1967.

In Iraq, we should announce plans for a total withdrawal of the U.S. military and contractor personnel by an early date, stating clearly that the only units exempt from withdrawal would be any that are expressly requested by the Iraqi government and the UN Security Council.

These two announcements would sweep away the dark clouds of religious war and quickly dampen the Iraqi insurgency. They would be greeted with worldwide rejoicing as heralding a dramatic return of U.S. policy to the high ground it once occupied.

Is the scene hopeless? Of course not. We are on the eve of a new election cycle. Every one of us has the opportunity -- yes, the responsibility -- to speak up at political gatherings, ask precise questions of candidates and demand precise answers. We can write letters to the editor and engage directly in partisan campaigns.

We must reject preemptive war as an instrument of public policy. Supporters of war turn to scripture for misleading inspiration. Let us take our inspiration from Deuteronomy, where God instructed Moses with these words: "Seek justice, only justice." The peril is immediate and great, but it is not too late for justice.

I am 84. I've been on the firing line for justice in U.S. policy in the Middle East for nearly half my life. I do not regret a minute of that long endeavor. I will never give up. Will you help?


Paul Findley was a Member of Congress, 1961-83, and is the author of five books, the latest being "Silent No More: Confronting America's False Images of Islam". He resides in Jacksonville, Illinois.


Friday, March 03, 2006

Bil'in speaks out: the Wall means death

 Friday March 3, 2006
This morning villagers
in Bil'in chained
themselves to a fence
marking where the
Apartheid Wall (under
construction) will cut
apart their land. The
almost entirely agrarian
community will loose
over half its farmland.


Wednesday, March 01, 2006

The War Within Minds

March 1, 2006

I don’t know where to start. Until two weeks ago I have never photographed dead bodies, never negotiated to enter occupied homes during a military operation, never run behind corners to avoid gunfire or lain awake at night listening to the low whirr of spy drones flying about and taking pictures.

Were it possible, I would transmit each detail of Israel’s recent invasion of Nablus city to your brains simultaneously; one emotional mass of exhaustion, nerves, terror, and uncertainty, as it exists in my memory. 

Sixteen days had passed since circumstance forced me to abort my documentary work in Nablus’ Balata refugee camp. I had progressed through defeat, listlessness, and finally resolve to continue my project elsewhere. As if awaiting my cue, I received a phone call from Irony, informing me that medical volunteers were desperately needed in Nablus. Israel had begun the first stages of its Northern Glory operation, the largest incursion into the West Bank since mid-2005. Officially, the operation was intended to eliminate several wanted men. It was plainly also a display of might by stand-in Prime Minister Olmert, who is jockeying for position in this month’s elections. 

A pair of innocent teenagers had already been killed in Balata camp. They were standing on a rooftop when two calculated shots from a sniper’s rifle found their bodies, one boy in the neck, the other in the mouth and through the back of his head. They were unarmed. That Northern Glory was to be a campaign of tangential devastation was made clear from the beginning.

Several activists caught a bus through one of the checkpoints surrounding Nablus and waited for an ambulance to take us to Balata. Roadblocks sealed the camp and armored vehicles patrolled the parameter. The ambulance driver said it was too dangerous for him to go there. Instead we hitched a ride to the outskirts of the camp in a delivery truck. The coast looked clear; we started walking— too slow. A nearby tank tore over the median, cutting us off. The man inside screamed, “Get back! Go away!” 

We circled behind a row of buildings and tried again. As we crossed the street the tank barreled toward us. Shots fired over our heads as we scampered into one of the meter-wide alleys almost hidden between four-story high-rises. We made it. Adjusting our packs, we ambled toward the camp’s only normal sized road, en route to the medical clinic. Immediately an armored jeep blocked the path and soldiers demanded to see passports. This was an old trick. Our passports would be held hostage until the border police (the only arm of Israeli law able to legally arrest international citizens in Palestine) could arrive. We asked for a moment to consult, backing behind a corner, then, out of sight, ran into another alleyway where the jeep could not pursue.

So the days proceeded. With little sleep, Palestinian-international relief teams patrolled the camp, sprinting to reach the injured or, often more taxing, waiting hours for the next emergency to arise. Ambulances were often either delayed by the military or shut out from the camp altogether. Homes ran dry of food and medicine. Soldiers strategically occupied the highest buildings, detaining the extended families inside, sometimes for days.

On the second night a sniper, apparently bored, shot a 22-year-old man through his window directly across the street from the clinic. The family was hysterical. The injured body smeared blood on the wall through the bandages as the young man was carried downstairs. The bullet severed a major artery as it connected to the heart. After the man was rushed to the hospital two soldiers entered the home, randomly shot into the walls and furniture, then left.

These instances of senseless bloodshed, killing, and suffocation of communities are not the root cause of mental distress in occupied Palestine. Tragedy is routine. Time and again Balata refugees have collected the pieces of their lives. What really traumatizes, the true science of Israeli warfare, is psychological.

At the beginning of the invasion military officials notified the people of Balata camp that the incursion would last three days. At the end of this period the troops pulled out with flawless punctuality. Bulldozers spent hours removing roadblocks, including one leftover from a prior invasion. Relief washed over the camp like a wave, lightening the mood to a bittersweet, almsot-joyous state. By nightfall shops had reopened, the ghostly streets had filled with life, rubble and trash littering the ground had been swept away. In the morning the community was able to give the two 17-year-old martyrs a proper funeral. I took an afternoon trip into the city with several volunteers. We were in a taxi when we received an urgent phone call. I heard the news from outside myself, like my body stopped moving and my mind crashed through the windshield. The army had reinvaded.

A strange lull hung over the camp through the first half of the following day. Even the crowd of rock hurling teenagers that usually accompanied jeeps and bulldozers down the road had become less enthusiastic. Then, without warning that afternoon the incursion culminated in a frenzy of chaos and bloodshed.

A group of local and international medical volunteers had been cornered in an alley for one hour. Increasingly edgy soldiers were firing on three wanted fighters holed up in an adjacent house. Press and civilians were gradually drawn by curiosity to a vacated army jeep close to the medical team. Suddenly a grenade was thrown into the group and, somewhere, a soldier began to open fire. A Palestinian ambulance driver, a Dutch woman, and an American woman were injured by shrapnel. The driver and the American volunteer were hospitalized. Ihab Mansour, a local medic, was shot in the head.

Soldiers attempted to stop volunteers from carrying Monsour to an ambulance and then blockaded the vehicle so it could not leave. A soldier pointed his gun at us as we approached to negotiate passage, and said they could not move without orders. When the press arrived several minutes later the ambulance was finally permitted through. Before it could exit the camp, however, it was stopped again. This time soldiers removed Monsour, who was unconscious, and took him to a nearby base instead of to a hospital. Reason for his detainment was never given.

At the fighters’ house the three men were now hiding behind a false ceiling. After unsuccessful attempts to burn them alive, the military planted bombs on the building and exploded it on top of them. The bodies were dragged to the road in pieces so the kill could be confirmed and documented. The army pulled out, leaving behind them a pile of body parts and two more innocent deaths.

Once, several weeks ago, a friend in Balata camp told me he wakes up every morning knowing the military might attack. “They could come tomorrow or three months from now and kill my family,” he said. “This is how we live.”

I could not have understood these words until now; they were more than reflective of some basic fear of the unknown. They were indicative of a military strategy to spread insecurity and fear by denying people any form of certainty.

There are 25 thousand refugees living in the two square kilometers of Balata camp. Each has a lost family member to the Intifada, amounting to over one sixth of those killed in the West Bank since 2000. Life has become so viciously unstable that mental disabilities among preteens have skyrocketed. There will be a generational stratum of people who went mad growing up under psychological warfare.

That is the true and untold tragedy of this conflict.



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