| What if Iran had Invaded MexicoYou should walk a mile in the other person's shoes before you start complaining about the speck in their eyes.
Taken from: http://www.chomsky.info/articles/20070405.htm Written by: Noam Chomsky
What If Iran Had Invaded Mexico? "The Iran Effect"
The
results of an attack on Iran could be horrendous. After all, according
to a recent study of "the Iraq effect" by terrorism specialists Peter
Bergen and Paul Cruickshank, using government and Rand Corporation
data, the Iraq invasion has already led to a seven-fold increase in
terror. The "Iran effect" would probably be far more severe and
long-lasting. British military historian Corelli Barnett speaks for
many when he warns that "an attack on Iran would effectively launch
World War III."
What are the plans of the increasingly
desperate clique that narrowly holds political power in the U.S.? We
cannot know. Such state planning is, of course, kept secret in the
interests of "security." Review of the declassified record reveals that
there is considerable merit in that claim -- though only if we
understand "security" to mean the security of the Bush administration
against their domestic enemy, the population in whose name they act.
Even
if the White House clique is not planning war, naval deployments,
support for secessionist movements and acts of terror within Iran, and
other provocations could easily lead to an accidental war.
Congressional resolutions would not provide much of a barrier. They
invariably permit "national security" exemptions, opening holes wide
enough for the several aircraft-carrier battle groups soon to be in the
Persian Gulf to pass through -- as long as an unscrupulous leadership
issues proclamations of doom (as Condoleezza Rice did with those
"mushroom clouds" over American cities back in 2002). And the
concocting of the sorts of incidents that "justify" such attacks is a
familiar practice. Even the worst monsters feel the need for such
justification and adopt the device: Hitler's defense of innocent
Germany from the "wild terror" of the Poles in 1939, after they had
rejected his wise and generous proposals for peace, is but one example.
The
most effective barrier to a White House decision to launch a war is the
kind of organized popular opposition that frightened the
political-military leadership enough in 1968 that they were reluctant
to send more troops to Vietnam -- fearing, we learned from the Pentagon
Papers, that they might need them for civil-disorder control.
Doubtless
Iran's government merits harsh condemnation, including for its recent
actions that have inflamed the crisis. It is, however, useful to ask
how we would act if Iran had invaded and occupied Canada and Mexico and
was arresting U.S. government representatives there on the grounds that
they were resisting the Iranian occupation (called "liberation," of
course). Imagine as well that Iran was deploying massive naval forces
in the Caribbean and issuing credible threats to launch a wave of
attacks against a vast range of sites -- nuclear and otherwise -- in
the United States, if the U.S. government did not immediately terminate
all its nuclear energy programs (and, naturally, dismantle all its
nuclear weapons). Suppose that all of this happened after Iran had
overthrown the government of the U.S. and installed a vicious tyrant
(as the US did to Iran in 1953), then later supported a Russian
invasion of the U.S. that killed millions of people (just as the U.S.
supported Saddam Hussein's invasion of Iran in 1980, killing hundreds
of thousands of Iranians, a figure comparable to millions of
Americans). Would we watch quietly?
It is easy to understand
an observation by one of Israel's leading military historians, Martin
van Creveld. After the U.S. invaded Iraq, knowing it to be defenseless,
he noted, "Had the Iranians not tried to build nuclear weapons, they
would be crazy."
Surely no sane person wants Iran (or any
nation) to develop nuclear weapons. A reasonable resolution of the
present crisis would permit Iran to develop nuclear energy, in accord
with its rights under the Non-Proliferation Treaty, but not nuclear
weapons. Is that outcome feasible? It would be, given one condition:
that the U.S. and Iran were functioning democratic societies in which
public opinion had a significant impact on public policy.
As
it happens, this solution has overwhelming support among Iranians and
Americans, who generally are in agreement on nuclear issues. The
Iranian-American consensus includes the complete elimination of nuclear
weapons everywhere (82% of Americans); if that cannot yet be achieved
because of elite opposition, then at least a "nuclear-weapons-free zone
in the Middle East that would include both Islamic countries and
Israel" (71% of Americans). Seventy-five percent of Americans prefer
building better relations with Iran to threats of force. In brief, if
public opinion were to have a significant influence on state policy in
the U.S. and Iran, resolution of the crisis might be at hand, along
with much more far-reaching solutions to the global nuclear conundrum.
Promoting Democracy -- at Home
These
facts suggest a possible way to prevent the current crisis from
exploding, perhaps even into some version of World War III. That
awesome threat might be averted by pursuing a familiar proposal:
democracy promotion -- this time at home, where it is badly needed.
Democracy promotion at home is certainly feasible and, although we
cannot carry out such a project directly in Iran, we could act to
improve the prospects of the courageous reformers and oppositionists
who are seeking to achieve just that. Among such figures who are, or
should be, well-known, would be Saeed Hajjarian, Nobel laureate Shirin
Ebadi, and Akbar Ganji, as well as those who, as usual, remain
nameless, among them labor activists about whom we hear very little;
those who publish the Iranian Workers Bulletin may be a case in point.
We
can best improve the prospects for democracy promotion in Iran by
sharply reversing state policy here so that it reflects popular
opinion. That would entail ceasing to make the regular threats that are
a gift to Iranian hardliners. These are bitterly condemned by Iranians
truly concerned with democracy promotion (unlike those "supporters" who
flaunt democracy slogans in the West and are lauded as grand
"idealists" despite their clear record of visceral hatred for
democracy).
Democracy promotion in the United States could
have far broader consequences. In Iraq, for instance, a firm timetable
for withdrawal would be initiated at once, or very soon, in accord with
the will of the overwhelming majority of Iraqis and a significant
majority of Americans. Federal budget priorities would be virtually
reversed. Where spending is rising, as in military supplemental bills
to conduct the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, it would sharply decline.
Where spending is steady or declining (health, education, job training,
the promotion of energy conservation and renewable energy sources,
veterans benefits, funding for the UN and UN peacekeeping operations,
and so on), it would sharply increase. Bush's tax cuts for people with
incomes over $200,000 a year would be immediately rescinded.
The
U.S. would have adopted a national health-care system long ago,
rejecting the privatized system that sports twice the per-capita costs
found in similar societies and some of the worst outcomes in the
industrial world. It would have rejected what is widely regarded by
those who pay attention as a "fiscal train wreck" in-the-making. The
U.S. would have ratified the Kyoto Protocol to reduce carbon-dioxide
emissions and undertaken still stronger measures to protect the
environment. It would allow the UN to take the lead in international
crises, including in Iraq. After all, according to opinion polls, since
shortly after the 2003 invasion, a large majority of Americans have
wanted the UN to take charge of political transformation, economic
reconstruction, and civil order in that land.
If public
opinion mattered, the U.S. would accept UN Charter restrictions on the
use of force, contrary to a bipartisan consensus that this country,
alone, has the right to resort to violence in response to potential
threats, real or imagined, including threats to our access to markets
and resources. The U.S. (along with others) would abandon the Security
Council veto and accept majority opinion even when in opposition to it.
The UN would be allowed to regulate arms sales; while the U.S. would
cut back on such sales and urge other countries to do so, which would
be a major contribution to reducing large-scale violence in the world.
Terror would be dealt with through diplomatic and economic measures,
not force, in accord with the judgment of most specialists on the topic
but again in diametric opposition to present-day policy.
Furthermore,
if public opinion influenced policy, the U.S. would have diplomatic
relations with Cuba, benefiting the people of both countries (and,
incidentally, U.S. agribusiness, energy corporations, and others),
instead of standing virtually alone in the world in imposing an embargo
(joined only by Israel, the Republic of Palau, and the Marshall
Islands). Washington would join the broad international consensus on a
two-state settlement of the Israel-Palestine conflict, which (with
Israel) it has blocked for 30 years -- with scattered and temporary
exceptions -- and which it still blocks in word, and more importantly
in deed, despite fraudulent claims of its commitment to diplomacy. The
U.S. would also equalize aid to Israel and Palestine, cutting off aid
to either party that rejected the international consensus.
Evidence
on these matters is reviewed in my book Failed States as well as in The
Foreign Policy Disconnect by Benjamin Page (with Marshall Bouton),
which also provides extensive evidence that public opinion on foreign
(and probably domestic) policy issues tends to be coherent and
consistent over long periods. Studies of public opinion have to be
regarded with caution, but they are certainly highly suggestive.
Democracy
promotion at home, while no panacea, would be a useful step towards
helping our own country become a "responsible stakeholder" in the
international order (to adopt the term used for adversaries), instead
of being an object of fear and dislike throughout much of the world.
Apart from being a value in itself, functioning democracy at home holds
real promise for dealing constructively with many current problems,
international and domestic, including those that literally threaten the
survival of our species.
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